Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front

The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (Template:Langx, abbreviated FMLN) is a Salvadoran political party and former guerrilla rebel group.

The FMLN was established on 10 October 1980 as the merged of four leftist guerrilla groups: the Farabundo Martí Popular Liberation Forces (FPL), the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance Armed Forces (FARN), and the Armed Liberation Forces/Communist Party of El Salvador (FAL/PCES); the Revolutionary Party of the Central American Workers (PRTC) joined in December 1980. In 1981, the FMLN joined forces with the Revolutionary Democratic Front (FDR) coalition of mass organizations and were sometimes collectively referred to as the FMLN–FDR. The FMLN fought against the Salvadoran government during the country's civil war that lasted from 1979 to 1992. The FMLN launched three major offensives against the government in 1981, 1982, and 1989. The group signed the Chapultepec Peace Accords with the government that ended the civil war. As a part of the peace accords, the FMLN was demobilized and registered as a political party.

For three decades from the mid 1990s to the late 2010s, the FMLN dominated Salvadoran politics in a two-party system alongside the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA). The party often finished in first or second place in the country's legislative and municipal elections. The FMLN lost the first three presidential elections it participated in, when it nominated various former civil war commanders. The party won the 2009 presidential election when it nominated journalist Mauricio Funes for President. Funes was succeeded in 2014 by Salvador Sánchez Cerén, a former guerrilla commander who narrowly won the 2014 presidential election. The FMLN lost the next two presidential elections, and after the 2024 election, it lost all its seats in the Legislative Assembly. Throughout the FMLN's history as a political party, several splinter parties have emerged from it such as the Democratic Party, Renewal Movement, and the Revolutionary Democratic Front (unrelated to the civil war-era group).

The FMLN is El Salvador's largest left-wing political party. During the civil war, the FMLN espoused Marxism–Leninism but moderated its position between 1989 and 1991 to embrace democratic socialism. The FMLN is a member of the Parliamentary Group of the Left political faction in the Central American Parliament. It is also a member of the São Paulo Forum and COPPPAL, two alliances of leftist Latin American political parties. Manuel Flores, the FMLN's 2024 presidential candidate and a former legislator, has served as the party's secretary-general since August 2024. As of 2024, the FMLN has around 16,000 members.

History

Background

Splintering of leftist groups during the 1970s

The Communist Party of El Salvador (PCES) was established in the 1930. In 1970, PCES general-secretary Cayetano Carpio split from the party and founded the Farabundo Martí Popular Liberation Forces (FPL) as he viewed the party's reliance on the electoral process to transform El Salvador as futile; he instead called for a "prolonged popular war" modeled on the Viet Cong to overthrow the military dictatorship that had ruled El Salvador since 1931. In 1971, the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) was established by dissidents of the PCES, FPL, and Christian Democratic Party (PDC) led by Joaquín Villalobos who called for a popular insurrection modeled on the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).

Throughout the 1970s, the FPL and ERP carried out hit-and-run attacks against the Salvadoran government, and allied mass organizations organized protests and strikes to create conditions that would start a revolution. In 1975, José Sancho established the National Resistance Armed Forces (FARN) as a splinter group from the ERP after Villalobos ordered the assassination of Roque Dalton—the leader of the ERP's political wing. In 1977, PCES and FARN dissidents led by Francisco Jovel created the Revolutionary Party of the Central American Workers (PRTC). In 1979, Schafik Hándal, Carpio's successor as PCES general-secretary, established the Armed Liberation Forces (FAL) as the PCES's militant wing after the party adopted an "armed struggle" doctrine under Hándal's leadership.

On 15 October 1979, the reformist elements of the Armed Forces of El Salvador (FAES) overthrew General Carlos Humberto Romero, the president of El Salvador, in a coup d'état and established the civil-military Revolutionary Government Junta (JRG). Some leftist groups such as the PCES initially supported the JRG while others such as the ERP opposed it and renewed calls for an insurrection. Eventually, negotiations between the JRG and some communist groups fell apart after Colonel Adolfo Arnoldo Majano lost his influence in the JRG and the junta itself being unable to curb violence by far-right death squads.

Negotiations and unification

A black-and-white photograph of Farabundo Martí

Farabundo Martí, a Salvadoran communist executed in 1932 after whom the FMLN was named

In December 1979, Salvadoran leftist leaders met in Havana, Cuba to negotiate the establishment of a united coalition to oppose the JRG. They viewed the FSLN's victory in the Nicaraguan Revolution as a sign that they needed to set aside ideological differences and create a united vanguard to launch a successful revolution. Cuban leader Fidel Castro personally took part in the negotiations. In May 1980, the FPL, FARN, and FAL/PCES established the Template:Ill (DRU) as a united coalition for political and military planning. DRU initially excluded the ERP due to lingering animosity over Dalton's assassination, but it later allowed the ERP to join following pressure from Castro.

On 10 October 1980, the DRU established the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a merger of the DRU's members and the Revolutionary Democratic Front (FDR), a coalition of the DRU member's affiliated mass organizations. The FMLN and FDR were sometimes referred to collectively as the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front–Revolutionary Democratic Front (FMLN–FDR). The FMLN was an umbrella group consisting of the DRU groups as its militant wing and the FDR as its political front. The FMLN was named after Farabundo Martí, a peasant and communist leader who led a rebellion against the government of Brigadier General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez in 1932 and was executed during subsequent reprisal killings known as that killed up to 40,000 people. The PRTC later joined the FMLN in December 1980. The FMLN was governed by five-member executive directorate that consisted of the Salvador Sánchez Cerén (representing the FPL), Villalobos (ERP), Sancho (FARN), Hándal (FAL/PCES), and Jovel (PRTC).

Guerrilla coalition (1980–1992)

Early military offensives (1980–1983)

The FMLN launched its first military offensive—known as the final offensive of 1981—on 10 January 1981 when it carried out 43 attacks against various government and military positions including the Ilopango International Airport and the headquarters of the Treasury Police. Carpio issued FMLN General Order Number 1 that called on the Salvadoran people to join the FMLN in a national uprising. Although the FMLN had captured 82 cities and villages, mostly in northern El Salvador, by 17 January, the JRG launched a counteroffensive and Hándal called for a "temporary tactical retreat". By 26 January, the offensive failed and the FMLN acknowledged that it did not spark the national uprising it hoped for. Although the offensive failed, the FMLN proved itself to be a competent fighting force and retained control of some territory.

On 28 March 1982, the date of the 1982 Constitutional Assembly election, the FMLN launched the general offensive of 1982 that intended to disrupt the election's conduct, but the offensive failed to achieve this goal and all 60 seats on the Constitutional Assembly were decided. That year, many FMLN leaders believed that a negotiated settlement was the best way to obtain their goals, but this approach was strongly rejected by Carpio who described it as a betrayal of the revolution. In January 1983, the FPL Central Committee voted Carpio out of power and replaced him with Mélida Anaya Montes. In April 1983, Carpio had Montes assassinated in Managua, Nicaragua and he committed suicide days later when the assassins were captured.

A map of the locations of FMLN members during the civil war

Map of FMLN members' controlled territories and five fronts during the civil war

Carpio's suicide diminished the FPL's influence within the FMLN and the coalition's members moved towards further cooperation with each other led by the ERP. The FMLN divided its forces into five fronts: the Feliciano Ama Western Front (in Ahuachapán, La Libertad, Santa Ana, and Sonsonate), the Anastasio Aquino Para-Central Front (in San Vicente and parts of Cabañas and La Paz), the Modesto Ramírez Central Front (in Cuscatlán, San Salvador, and parts of Cabañas and La Paz), the Francisco Sánchez Eastern Front (in La Unión, Morazán, San Miguel, and Usulután), and the Apolinario Serrano Northern Front (in Chalatenango).

Peace negotiations (1983–1989)

A black-and-white photograph of an FMLN solidarity meeting in Halle (Saale)

A 1982 FMLN solidarity meeting in Halle (Saale), East Germany

Carpio's death also led to the FMLN approaching the Salvadoran government to enter negotiations ahead of the 1984 presidential election in the hopes of joining a government. In 1983, the FMLN entered private negotiations with the government of President Álvaro Magaña. After the 1984 election, the FMLN entered open negotiations with the PDC government of President José Napoleón Duarte. The FMLN and Duarte's government held several meetings between 1984 and 1988 but were unable to come to an agreement to end the civil war.

While in negotiations, the FMLN continued to carry out hit-and-run attacks against the government including assassinations, kidnappings, and bombings. FMLN militants particularly attacks American military personnel as the United States was supporting the Salvadoran government with weapons, supplies, and advisors. The FMLN also destroyed infrastructure, blockaded public transportation, and imposed "war taxes" on businesses (such as kidnappings and bombings) that cost the Salvadoran government US$2 billion between 1979 and 1988.

Throughout the civil war, Cuba trained hundreds of FMLN personnel and Nicaragua subsidized the FMLN's operation of Radio Venceremos, the group's clandestine radio station. There were unsubstantiated rumors during the civil war of direct support from the Soviet Union such as an alleged sighting of a Soviet submarine near La Unión or a Soviet soldier in Chalatenango. The FMLN received materiel support from communist countries such as Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Ethiopia, Hungary, the Soviet Union, and Vietnam, much of which was sent to the FMLN through Nicaragua. The FMLN also received financial support from sympathetic solidarity committees in the United States, Mexico, and Europe. FMLN membership varied throughout the civil war: it was as low as 4,000 members in 1981 to as high as 15,000 members in 1991.

In December 1987, Rubén Zamora and Guillermo Ungo, two FDR leaders, announced the creation of Democratic Convergence (CVD), a left-wing political party formed from the merger of the Popular Social Christian Movement (MPSC), the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR), and the Social Democratic Party (PSD). The CVD was allowed to participate in the 1989 presidential election with Ungo as its presidential candidate, and the CVD's electoral participation was approved by the FMLN. Ungo finished in fourth place with 3.8 percent of the vote.

Last offensive and peace accords (1989–1992)

A black-and-white photograph of guerrilla combatants

ERP combatants in Perquín in 1990

Duarte was succeeded by Alfredo Cristiani of the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), the winner of the 1989 election. Cristiani was more moderate than his predecessor, Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, and was open to continuing negotiations because he believed that FAES was unable to induce a decisive victory against the FMLN to end the civil war. In November 1989, the FMLN launched the final offensive of 1989 in a bid to overthrow Cristiani's government and ignite a popular uprising, but the offensive failed and the popular uprising did not materialize. Although the FMLN was weakened by the military defeat together with the FSLN's electoral defeat in the 1990 Nicaraguan general election, the United States Congress voted to reduce funding to the Salvadoran government which also put it in a weaker position. In April 1990, the FMLN and Cristiani's government resumed peace negotiations mediated by the United Nations. Additionally, by 1991, the FMLN abandoned Marxism–Leninism in favor of democratic socialism as the group received diplomatic support from European and Latin American social democratic governments that pressured it to negotiate peace.

On 16 January 1992, the FMLN and Salvadoran government signed the Chapultepec Peace Accords that ended the civil war. The peace accords implemented various political and military reforms within the Salvadoran government. In exchange, the FMLN agreed to demobilize. The peace accords also legalized the FMLN as a political party. According to the Truth Commission for El Salvador, around 5 percent of human rights abuses during the civil war were committed by the FMLN, in contrast to 85 percent committed by the government. According to the University of Pittsburgh's Mitchell A. Seligson and Vincent McElhinny, between 58,382 and 92,823 people were killed during the civil war, of whom, between 12,274 and 23,840 were FMLN combatants.

Political party (1992–present)

Transition to a political party (1992–1994)

On 30 June 1992, the Legislative Assembly formally legalized the FMLN, and on 14 December, the Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) registered the FMLN as a political party. Although the FMLN was now a registered political party, its now-demobilized component militant groups continued to exist. The ERP (rebranded as the Renewed Expression of the People) and FARN wanted to moderate the FMLN and move it towards social democracy. Conversely, the FPL and PCES believed that the FMLN criticized those who wanted to moderate the FMLN, and PCES member Dagoberto Gutiérrez argued that the FMLN should continue the civil war but as an opposition political party.

Ahead of the 1994 general election, the first election held after the end of the civil war, the ERP and FARN proposed that the party should nominate a center-right reformist politician for president, but the FPL, PCES, and PRTC rejected this and instead nominated Zamora.Template:Efn Zamora advanced to the second round where he lost to ARENA's Armando Calderón Sol with 31.7 percent of the vote. The FMLN also won 21 of 84 seats in the Legislative Assembly, 15 of 262 municipalities, and 4 of El Salvador's 20 seats in the Central American Parliament (PARLACEN). The FMLN was most successful in territories it controlled during the civil war.

In opposition and political splits (1994–2009)

The FMLN's elected officials assumed office in May 1994. The FMLN's legislators affiliated with the ERP and FARN voted in favor of ARENA's national budget resulting in the party suspending their membership. The ERP and FARN also wanted to dissolve the FMLN's five lingering factions, but the FPL, PCES, and PRTC rejected this. In December, 7 legislators and 14 mayors affiliated with the ERP and FARN left the FMLN and later founded the Democratic Party (PD) in March 1995. That same year, the FPL, PCES, and PRTC dissolved and fully merged into the FMLN.

In the 1997 legislative and municipal elections, the FMLN won 27 seats in the Legislative Assembly and 49 municipalities. San Salvador, El Salvador's capital city, was among one of the FMLN's municipal victories. Meanwhile, the PD lost all its seats and was deregistered by the Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) for its poor performance, and the FMLN recuperated the seats that it had lost when the PD split from it. Ahead of the 1999 presidential election, FMLN leaders such as Hándal and Sánchez Cerén wanted to maintain the party's "orthodox" revolutionary socialist identity while leaders such as Jovel, Facundo Guardado, and Template:Ill wanted to make the party resemble European parties that support social democracy. Jovel, Guardado, and Mijango represented the party's Renewal Movement (MR). The party ultimately nominated GuardadoTemplate:Efn and he finished in second behind ARENA's Francisco Flores Pérez with 29 percent of the vote. Zamora also ran as a member of the United Democratic Center (CDU) and finished in third.

A photograph of Schafik Hándal's supporters

A woman at an FMLN 2004 presidential campaign rally

The FMLN held a party convention in May 2001 to hold its internal leadership election, but Guardado and Jovel boycotted the revolutionary socialist-dominated convention and held his own rival convention to get social democrats elected to party leadership positions. For this, the FMLN expelled both from the party in October. In March 2002, they and five FMLN legislators registered the Renewal Movement as a political party with the TSE. At the 2003 legislative election, the FMLN won 31 seats in the Legislative Assembly while the MR failed to surpass the 3 percent threshold as had its party registration canceled by the TSE.

Ahead of the 2004 presidential election, Hándal vetoed the pre-candidacy of journalist Mauricio Funes as he was not a historic FMLN member and defeated reformist Óscar Ortiz in the primary election. Hándal lost the presidential election to ARENA's Antonio Saca with 35.7 percent of the vote. The revolutionary socialists winning the FMLN's 2004 internal leadership election led to another split in the party. In June 2005, 7 FMLN legislators left the party and formed the Revolutionary Democratic Front (FDR, no relation to the civil war-era organization). In the 2006 legislative election, the FDR lost all its seats in the Legislative Assembly while the FMLN won 32 seats.

Ahead of the 2009 elections, Ortiz proposed to nominate Funes as the FMLN's presidential candidate. The party's leadership accepted Funes' candidacy on the condition that Sánchez Cerén was his running mate. Critics such as ARENA's candidate, Rodrigo Ávila, claimed that Sánchez Cerén would be the power behind the throne and that Funes would be little more than a puppet. The FMLN won 35 seats in the January legislative election; Funes won the presidential election two months later with 51.3 percent of the vote. Funes' victory coincided with the Latin American pink tide. The FDR performed poorly in the same election and was deregistered by the TSE.

Control of the presidency (2009–2019)

A photograph of Mauricio Funes wearing the presidential sash with Salvador Sánchez Cerén

Mauricio Funes (wearing the presidential sash) and Salvador Sánchez Cerén, the two FMLN presidents of El Salvador

Funes assumed office on 1 June 2009 becoming the FMLN's first president after 15 years of participating in elections. Some of Funes' presidential acts included reestablishing diplomatic relations with Cuba, implementing social reforms and anti-poverty programs, and apologizing for past state atrocities from the civil war and other eras of Salvadoran history. Additionally, the FMLN entered into a coalition government with the National Coalition Party (PCN) and Grand Alliance for National Unity (GANA) in the Legislative Assembly, and in February 2011, the FMLN's Sigfrido Reyes Morales became the president of the Legislative Assembly as a part of the coalition agreement. Funes' coalition with the right-wing GANA and PCN was criticized by more hardline FMLN members. The FMLN–PCN–GANA coalition lost control of the legislature after the 2012 election and negotiated with ARENA to create a grand coalition government, but Reyes retained his position as president of the legislature.

Funes' government implemented a controversial truce with the country's largest street gangs, MS-13 and 18th Street gang, in a bid to lower the country's homicide rate. Mijango and Funes' defense minister, Divisional General David Munguía Payés, were two of the truce's principal negotiators, but Sánchez Cerén denied that the FMLN itself was responsible for the truce. The truce was a major campaign topic during the 2014 presidential election. The FMLN nominated Sánchez Cerén and Ortiz as its presidential and vice presidential candidates, respectively. Sánchez Cerén narrowly defeated ARENA's Norman Quijano in the second round with 50.1 percent of the vote. Gutiérrez split from the FMLN in 2013 and attempted to get the splinter New Country Movement (MNP) registered with the TSE in time for the election, but the party failed to accumulate enough signatures to be registered.

Sánchez Cerén was inaugurated on 1 June 2014 becoming the first former guerrilla to serve as President of El Salvador. During his presidency, he attempted to remove restrictions on El Salvador's abortion ban (but this was blocked by right-wing parties), banned metal mining for environmental and public health concerns, and established diplomatic relations with China over Taiwan. The gang truce also collapsed by the time Sánchez Cerén assumed office and homicides spiked during his presidency, peaking at a rate of 104 homicides per 100,000 people in 2015. The FMLN retained control of the Legislative Assembly after the 2015 legislative election; it formed a coalition with GANA and Lorena Peña served as the legislature's president from 2015 to 2016 as a part of the coalition agreement.

In 2017, the FMLN expelled Nayib Bukele, then the mayor of San Salvador, from the party after allegedly throwing an apple at a fellow party member. During the 2018 legislative and municipal elections, Bukele called on his supporters to spoil their vote or not vote instead of voting for the FMLN. The FMLN had its worst electoral showing since 1994 and won only 23 seats. Meanwhile, ARENA gained control of the Legislative Assembly and right-wing parties were able to override Sánchez Cerén's presidential veto. The FMLN's Hugo Martínez finished in third place in the 2019 presidential election behind ARENA's Carlos Calleja and Bukele, who won the election as a third-party candidate. After Bukele's victory, Roberto Lorenzana, the presidential communications secretary, stated that the FMLN's expulsion of Bukele was a mistake that cost the party votes.

Return to opposition (2019–present)

A photograph of an FMLN campaign rally

An FMLN campaign rally ahead of the 2024 elections

Bukele's 2019 victory ended the FMLN–ARENA duopoly on controlling the presidency. The FMLN opposed Bukele's government in the Legislative Assembly. In February 2021, FMLN and ARENA legislators briefly considered removing Bukele from office for being "mentally unfit" after he accused the FMLN of staging the deaths of two of its supporters at a rally prior to that month's midterm election. In the election, Bukele's allies won a supermajority in the Legislative Assembly while the FMLN won only 4 seats.

The FMLN remained in the opposition for the duration of the 2021–2024 legislative term. The party opposed various electoral and constitutional reforms ahead of the 2024 elections such as the TSE allowing Bukele to seek immediate re-election, the reduction of seats in the Legislative Assembly from 84 to 60, and the reduction of municipalities from 262 to 44. Ortiz, then the secretary-general of the FMLN, described the reductions as "institutional fraud" by Bukele's government. The FMLN nominated former legislator Manuel Flores for president; he finished in second place with 6.4 percent of the vote behind Bukele. In the legislative election, the FMLN lost all its seats in the Legislative Assembly extraparliamentary party for the first time since participating in elections in 1994. It furthermore failed to win any municipal race.

The FMLN has convoked its primary elections to elect candidates for the 2027 presidential, legislative, and municipal elections.

Ideology

Civil war-era ideology

A photograph of Salvador Sánchez Cerén in front of a mural of Schafik Hándal

Salvador Sánchez Cerén with a mural of Schafik Hándal in 2015

When the FMLN was established, its members had a wide range of center-left to far-left political positions, but it was largely dominated by its more far-left components. The PCES adhered to Marxism–Leninism, the FPL was Maoist, the ERP followed Marxism–Leninism and Che Guevara's , the FARN had close relations with social democrats and liberals, and the PRTC was Trotskyite (although it later moderated to Marxism–Leninism after it joined the FMLN). The Havana negotiations and subsequent formations of the DGU and FMLN were done to counteract ideological infighting among the leftist militant organizations and unite themselves under a single vanguard. Under the FMLN, its member militant groups united under the banner of Marxism–Leninism.

Although the FMLN was largely united, some disagreements remained between the various factions. Questions of whether to attain victory through a prolonged war or a rapid insurrection or on how much of the struggle should be based on political or military action continued to divide the FMLN, but many of these disagreements faded following Carpio's suicide in 1983. The vast majority of FMLN components also opposed receiving support from the Soviet Union, viewing it as corrupt and oppressive. Most groups instead opted for support from Cuba and Nicaragua. Only FAL/PCES and some hardline FPL members supported Soviet aid, while the ERP promoted nationalism and was suspicious of Cuban support.

The FMLN's members were largely in agreement on supporting the implementation of a mixed economy rather than a command economy, and most also supported non-alignment. In 1984, the FMLN stated that it was in a "struggle against colonialism, neocolonialism, Zionism, racial discrimination, and apartheid". The FMLN also utilized liberation theology to rally support from the country's Catholic population.

Post-civil war ideology

Between 1988 and 1991, the FMLN gradually began to abandon Marxism–Leninism. By 1991, the group embraced democratic socialism. Ignacio Ellacuría, a Jesuit priest and civil war observer, described the FMLN's shift towards democratic socialism as its own version of or a Second Vatican Council. Although the FMLN is traditionally described as left-wing, it is sometimes still described as far-left.

During Funes' presidency, the FMLN embraced left-wing populism during Funes' presidency. El Salvador did not join the Venezuelan-led Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as Funes did not want to follow , but some local FMLN chapters created ALBA Petróleo that sold discounted gas from ALBA members.

Party structure

A photograph of Manuel Flores

Manuel Flores, the FMLN's 2024 presidential candidate and leader since August 2024

The FMLN's headquarters is located at 27 Poniente Street No. 1316 in Colonia Layco, San Salvador, the country's capital city. Since since 4 August 2024, Flores and Marleni Funes have served as the party's secretary-general and deputy secretary-general, respectively. As of 2024, the FMLN has around 16,000 members. The FMLN Youth is the party's youth wing and "Anthem of the FMLN" ("") is the party's anthem.

In PARLACEN, the FMLN is a member of the Parliamentary Group of the Left. The FMLN is also a member of COPPPAL and the São Paulo Forum, two coalitions of left-wing Latin American political parties.

Electoral history

Presidential elections

A photograph of Mauricio Funes at a campaign rally

Mauricio Funes at a 2009 campaign rally in San Miguel

Election	Candidate	First round			Second round			Result	Ref.
		Votes	%	Pos.	Votes	%	Pos.
1994	Rubén ZamoraTemplate:Efn	331,629	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 24.99%	Increase 2nd	378,980	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 31.65%	Increase 2nd	Lost Red XN
1999	Facundo GuardadoTemplate:Efn	343,472	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 29.05%	Steady 2nd	—			Lost Red XN
2004	Schafik Hándal	812,519	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 35.68%	Steady 2nd	—			Lost Red XN
2009	Mauricio Funes	1,354,000	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 51.32%	Increase 1st	—			Elected Green tickY
2014	Salvador Sánchez Cerén	1,315,768	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 48.92%	Steady 1st	1,495,815	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 50.11%	Increase 1st	Elected Green tickY
2019	Hugo Martínez	389,289	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 14.41%	Decrease 3rd	—			Lost Red XN
2024	Manuel Flores	204,167	<div class="percentage-bar-fill" style="background-color:#D3252F;color:inherit; width: %;"> 6.40%	Increase 2nd	—			Lost Red XN
2027	To be determined				Second round abolished			TBD

Legislative Assembly elections

Election	Votes	%	Position	Seats	+/–	Status in legislature	Ref.
1994	287,811	21.39	Increase 2nd	Template:Composition bar	New	Opposition
1997	369,709	33.02	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 6	Opposition
2000	426,289	35.22	Increase 1st	Template:Composition bar	Increase 4	Opposition
2003	475,043	33.96	Steady 1st	Template:Composition bar	Steady 0	Opposition
2006	785,072	39.29	Decrease 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 1	Opposition
2009	943,936	42.60	Increase 1st	Template:Composition bar	Increase 3	Coalition government
2012	804,760	36.76	Decrease 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 4	Coalition government
2015	847,289	37.23	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Steady 0	Coalition government
2018	521,257	24.54	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 9	Opposition
2021	173,330	6.94	Decrease 4th	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 19	Opposition
2024	195,920	6.28	Increase 3rd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 4	Extraparliamentary
2027	To be determined

Municipal elections

Election	Votes	%	Position	Municipalities	+/–	Ref.
1994			Increase 3rd	Template:Composition bar	New
1997	365,176	32.63	Increase 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 34
2000	412,087	33.83	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 44
2003	471,042	33.41	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 6
2006	781,234	39.04	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 20
2009	886,161	39.89	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 39
2012	807,644	34.94	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 1
2015	892,882	37.73	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 9
2018	672,183	29.18	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 21
2021	287,321	10.86	Decrease 4th	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 34
2024	125,733	7.78	Decrease 7th	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 30
2027	To be determined

PARLACEN elections

Election	Votes	%	Position	Seats	+/–	Ref.
1994	287,811	21.39	Increase 2nd	Template:Composition bar	New
2000	426,289	35.22	Steady 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 3
2006	785,072	39.29	Increase 1st	Template:Composition bar	Increase 1
2009	943,936	42.53	Steady 1st	Template:Composition bar	Increase 1
2015	854,621	39.82	Decrease 2nd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 1
2021	181,475	7.30	Decrease 3rd	Template:Composition bar	Decrease 7
2024	122,926	8.26	Steady 3rd	Template:Composition bar	Increase 2

See also

• List of political parties in El Salvador
• Politics of El Salvador
• Similar Central American political parties
  • Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG)
  • Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)

External links

• Official website Template:In lang
• "Anthem of the FMLN" on YouTube