Generalized quantifier

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Template:Short description In formal semantics, a generalized quantifier (GQ) is an expression that denotes a set of sets. This is the standard semantics assigned to quantified noun phrases. For example, the generalized quantifier every boy denotes the set of sets of which every boy is a member: {Xx(x is a boyxX)}This treatment of quantifiers has been essential in achieving a compositional semantics for sentences containing quantifiers.[1][2]

Model theory

Definition

In first-order logic, there are two quantifiers ,. They have a fixed meaning in model-theoretic semantics (that is, set-theoretic semantics) of first-order logic, as follows.

Given a first-order language, a model of the language, and an interpretation I of the variables, we write Ixψ to mean "a quantified formula xψ is modelled by the model with the interpretation I". By definition,IxψaM,I[a/x]ψwhere M is the universe of the model .

Similarly,IxψaM,I[a/x]ψThis can be written in set-theoretic notation asIxψ{aM:I[a/x]ψ}{M}Ixψ{aM:I[a/x]ψ}{S𝒫(M):S}where 𝒫 denotes the power set operation.

This may appear somewhat circular, as set theory is usually formalized in a first-order logic (as in ZFC set theory). However, if one takes such a set theory as a given base, then one can build other first-order logics over this base set theory. This is the typical perspective taken in model theory.

Next, we consider , themselves as symbols that are being modelled. This is similar to how equality itself interpreted as a binary relation symbol in first-order logic with equality. Then we rewrite again:Ixψ{aM:I[a/x]ψ}Ixψ{aM:I[a/x]ψ}where :={M} is the model of the symbol in the model , and :={S𝒫(M):S} is the model of the symbol in the model .

Therefore, we can define the model of a generalized quantifier as follows. Given a first-order language augmented with generalized quantifiers Q1,Q2,, a model of the language models each Qn as a set Qn𝒫(M), such thatIQnxψ{aM:I[a/x]ψ}QnMore generally, a quantifier Q may quantify over k variables. Then its model is a set Q𝒫(Mk). The type of such a quantifier is k.

Equivalently, since a subset of Mk can be regarded as a k-ary relation on M, a quantifier over k variables can be regarded as a predicate for k-ary relations on M.

More generally, a quantifier Q is used as follows: Qx1,1,,x1,m1;x2,1,,x2,m2;;xn,1,,xn,mn(ψ1,,ψn)It is modelled by an n-ary relation over m1-ary relation, m2-ary relation, ..., mn-ary relation over M. This general definition a generalized quantifier definition is sometimes called a Lindström quantifier.

Such a quantifier is said to have signature m1,m2,,mn. If its signature is of form 1,1,,1, then it is monadic, otherwise it is polyadic.

Examples

Of type ⟨1⟩:

  • =1 meaning "there exists exactly 1" is defined by =1:={{a}:aM}
  • And more generally, we can define =2,=3, by =2:={{a,b}:aM,bM,ab}, etc.
  • n meaning "there exists at most n" is defined by n:={S:SM,|S|n}.
  • ω meaning "there exists infinitely many" is defined by ω:={S:SM,S is infinite}.
  • The Rescher quantifier, meaning "more often than not" is defined by QR:={S:SM,|S|>|MS|}.

Of type ⟨2⟩:

  • W meaning "is a well-ordering" is defined by W:={S:SM×M,S is a well-ordering of M}. For example, Wxy,x<y means "< is a well-ordering". Given a model of Wxy,x<y, the structure (M,<) is a well-ordered partially ordered set. Notably, well-ordering is not axiomatizable in standard first-order logic, thus showing that we have expanded the power of the logical language.
  • Ramsey quantifier Q2, defined by S(Q2) iff there is an infinite AM, such that xyA,(x,y)S. For example, the infinite Ramsey theorem states that if one has an infinite set M, and draw an edge between any pair of points, and color each edge from one of a finite number of colors, then there exists an infinite clique of the same color. Let C1,,Cm be 2-ary relations, such that Ci(x,y) means xy and the edge (x,y) is colored with the i-th color. Then the infinite Ramsey theorem states that i=1mQ2(Ci).

Of type ⟨n⟩:

  • Ramsey quantifier Qn, defined by S(Qn) iff there is an infinite AM, such that any size-n subset {a1,,an}A, we have (a1,,an)S. The infinite Ramsey theorem can be stated with Qn.[3]

Of type ⟨1, 1⟩:

  • "All" is defined by All:={(A,B):AB,BM}. For example, "all men are mortal" is written as All x,y,(man(x),mortal(y)). Similarly, "Some", "Not any", and "Not all" are of type ⟨1, 1⟩. In this way, the 4 types of sentences in term logic are naturally expressed in first-order logic with generalized quantifiers.
  • Similarly, "at least 5", "exactly 3", "an even number of", "there are more than", .
  • The Härtig quantifier, meaning "equally many".[4]

Operations

Quantifiers can be combined and modified to create more quantifiers, using operations upon quantifiers.

Relativization: An n-ary relation R on a set M can be relativized to a subset NM, by defining RN:=RNn. In other words, a1,,anN,RN(a1,,an)R(a1,,an)Using this operation, a quantifier Q of type m1,,mn can be relativized to a quantifier Qrel of type 1,m1,,mn by taking its first slot to be the set over which it relativizes:Qrel(N,R1,,Rn):=Q(R1N,,RnN)Iteration: Given two ⟨1⟩ quantifiers Q,Q, we have a ⟨2⟩ quantifier QQ. This is obtained by generalizing the construction for ,. Specifically, given a binary relation R, the sentence xy,R(x,y) can be analyzed as ()xy,R(x,y), where is a ⟨2⟩ quantifier obtained by iterating to .

A model models xy,R(x,y) iff ({aM:(R(a,))}), where R(a,) is the 1-ary relation on M obtained by plugging in aM to the first slot of the 2-ary relation R on M.

Generalizing, given two quantifiers Q,Q of types ⟨1⟩, ⟨1⟩, they iterate to a type ⟨2⟩ quantifier:(QQ)(R):=Q({aM:Q'(R(a,))})Given Q1,,Qn quantifiers of types m1,,mn, they iterate to Q1Qn, a m1++mn quantifier.

Resumption: Given a quantifier Q of type 1,,1, it can be resumed to a quantifier Resk(Q) of type k,,k, using the fact that a k-ary relation R on a set M is the same as a 1-ary relation on Mk:Resk(Q)(R1,,Rn)Q(R1,,Rn)Note that though they are formally the same, their types are different. One is To see it, consider the resumption of . The formula x,first(x)=second(x) is a formula that is interpreted over a model for which "first" and "second" are defined, in particular models whose universes are of form M×M, whereas Res2()x1x2,x1=x2 is a formula that is interpreted over a plain model.

Type theory

A version of type theory is often used to make the semantics of different kinds of expressions explicit. The standard construction defines the set of types recursively as follows:

  1. e and t are types.
  2. If a and b are both types, then so is a,b
  3. Nothing is a type, except what can be constructed on the basis of lines 1 and 2 above.

Given this definition, we have the simple types e and t, but also a countable infinity of complex types, some of which include: e,t;t,t;e,t,t;e,e,t;e,t,e,t,t;

  • Expressions of type e denote elements of the universe of discourse, the set of entities the discourse is about. This set is usually written as De. Examples of type e expressions include John and he.
  • Expressions of type t denote a truth value, usually rendered as the set {0,1}, where 0 stands for "false" and 1 stands for "true". Examples of expressions that are sometimes said to be of type t are sentences or propositions.
  • Expressions of type e,t denote functions from the set of entities to the set of truth values. This set of functions is rendered as DtDe. Such functions are characteristic functions of sets. They map every individual that is an element of the set to "true", and everything else to "false." It is common to say that they denote sets rather than characteristic functions, although, strictly speaking, the latter is more accurate. Examples of expressions of this type are predicates, nouns and some kinds of adjectives.
  • In general, expressions of complex types a,b denote functions from the set of entities of type a to the set of entities of type b, a construct we can write as follows: DbDa.

We can now assign types to the words in our sentence above (Every boy sleeps) as follows.

  • Type(boy) = e,t
  • Type(sleeps) = e,t
  • Type(every) = e,t,e,t,t
  • Type(every boy) = e,t,t

and so we can see that the generalized quantifier in our example is of type e,t,t

Thus, every denotes a function from a set to a function from a set to a truth value. Put differently, it denotes a function from a set to a set of sets. It is that function which for any two sets A,B, every(A)(B)= 1 if and only if AB.

Typed lambda calculus

A useful way to write complex functions is the lambda calculus. For example, one can write the meaning of sleeps as the following lambda expression, which is a function from an individual x to the proposition that x sleeps. λx.sleep(x) Such lambda terms are functions whose domain is what precedes the period, and whose range are the type of thing that follows the period. If x is a variable that ranges over elements of De, then the following lambda term denotes the identity function on individuals: λx.x

We can now write the meaning of every with the following lambda term, where X,Y are variables of type e,t: λX.λY.XY

If we abbreviate the meaning of boy and sleeps as "B" and "S", respectively, we have that the sentence every boy sleeps now means the following: (λX.λY.XY)(B)(S) By β-reduction, (λY.BY)(S) and BS

The expression every is a determiner. Combined with a noun, it yields a generalized quantifier of type e,t,t.

Properties

Monotonicity

Monotone increasing GQs

A generalized quantifier GQ is said to be monotone increasing (also called upward entailing) if, for every pair of sets X and Y, the following holds:

if XY, then GQ(X) entails GQ(Y).

The GQ every boy is monotone increasing. For example, the set of things that run fast is a subset of the set of things that run. Therefore, the first sentence below entails the second:

  1. Every boy runs fast.
  2. Every boy runs.

Monotone decreasing GQs

A GQ is said to be monotone decreasing (also called downward entailing) if, for every pair of sets X and Y, the following holds:

If XY, then GQ(Y) entails GQ(X).

An example of a monotone decreasing GQ is no boy. For this GQ we have that the first sentence below entails the second.

  1. No boy runs.
  2. No boy runs fast.

The lambda term for the determiner no is the following. It says that the two sets have an empty intersection. λX.λY.XY= Monotone decreasing GQs are among the expressions that can license a negative polarity item, such as any. Monotone increasing GQs do not license negative polarity items.

  1. Good: No boy has any money.
  2. Bad: *Every boy has any money.

Non-monotone GQs

A GQ is said to be non-monotone if it is neither monotone increasing nor monotone decreasing. An example of such a GQ is exactly three boys. Neither of the following sentences entails the other.

  1. Exactly three students ran.
  2. Exactly three students ran fast.

The first sentence does not entail the second. The fact that the number of students that ran is exactly three does not entail that each of these students ran fast, so the number of students that did that can be smaller than 3. Conversely, the second sentence does not entail the first. The sentence exactly three students ran fast can be true, even though the number of students who merely ran (i.e. not so fast) is greater than 3.

The lambda term for the (complex) determiner exactly three is the following. It says that the cardinality of the intersection between the two sets equals 3. λX.λY.|XY|=3

Conservativity

Script error: No such module "labelled list hatnote". A determiner D is said to be conservative if the following equivalence holds: D(A)(B)D(A)(AB) For example, the following two sentences are equivalent.

  1. Every boy sleeps.
  2. Every boy is a boy who sleeps.

It has been proposed that all determiners—in every natural language—are conservative.[2] The expression only is not conservative. The following two sentences are not equivalent. But it is, in fact, not common to analyze only as a determiner. Rather, it is standardly treated as a focus-sensitive adverb.

  1. Only boys sleep.
  2. Only boys are boys who sleep.

See also

References

  1. ^ Page Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css has no content.Montague, Richard (1974). "The proper treatment of quantification in English". In Kulas, J.; Fetzer, J.H.; Rankin, T.L. (eds.). Philosophy, Language, and Artificial Intelligence (PDF). Studies in Cognitive Systems. Vol. 2. Springer, Dordrecht. pp. 141–162. doi:10.1007/978-94-009-2727-8_7. ISBN 978-94-010-7726-2.
  2. ^ a b Page Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css has no content.Barwise, Jon; Cooper, Robin (1981). "Generalized quantifiers and natural language". Linguistics and Philosophy. 4 (2): 159–219. doi:10.1007/BF00350139.
  3. ^ Page Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css has no content.Schmerl, James H.; Simpson, Stephen G. (June 1982). "On the role of Ramsey quantifiers in first order arithmetic". The Journal of Symbolic Logic. 47 (2): 423–435. doi:10.2307/2273152. ISSN 0022-4812. JSTOR 2273152.
  4. ^ Page Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css has no content.Herre, Heinrich; Krynicki, Michał; Pinus, Alexandr; Väänänen, Jouko (December 1991). "The Härtig quantifier: a survey". The Journal of Symbolic Logic. 56 (4): 1153–1183. doi:10.2307/2275466. ISSN 0022-4812. JSTOR 2275466.

Further reading

Template:Formal semantics